By
Saeed Qureshi
Musharraf
was lucky because instead of being removed as Army head, arrested or even blown
off in the air, he became, in matter of hours, the chief executive of Pakistan
or in simple word a powerful sovereign. This was mind boggling phenomenon on
October 9 1999 when Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf’s fortunes were diametrically
swapped.
He is goofy
and imprudent because despite all prior warnings and dire indications he
decided to return to Pakistan. Now confined to his palatial mansion in
Pakistan, Musharraf faces three mammoth criminal cases. Over his head are
dangling the trials under clause 6 of the constitution for treason and the
involvement in assassination of Benazir Bhutto and Akbar Bugti, the Baloch renegade
leader.
He was
bewitched and misled by half a million face book entries deluding him to return
to Pakistan as the redeemer of a chaotic Pakistan. Thus he out of sheer miscalculation
got himself trapped in a stranglehold from which he cannot be liberated.
As if adding to his
miseries, the government in power is utterly hostile to him and for good
reasons. It is a situation that reflects quid-pro-quo or a kind of unforeseen
nemesis.The plight of beleaguered former Pakistan’s president is blatantly
reversed as the tormentor of the past is a condemned and hapless captive and
the victim of the past is now in full power regalia as the prime minister of
Pakistan.
Such are the tricky pitfalls and thorny paths
in politics more specifically manifest in third world unstable societies. The
MQM, a political surrogate for Musharraf has climbed down the political ladder
and its influence is considerably dwindled as a result of the general
elections. The chief of MQM Altaf Hussain himself is locked in maze of criminal
cases that could finally land him in jail if proven.
So it
is a kind of double jeopardy for General and erstwhile president in that he faces
a hostile government and there is no group and party to stand beside him. These
are indeed bad omens for him. He perhaps thought that the PPP would win the
elections and he would be immune from any judicial or political backlash. But as
ill luck would have it, a party won whose chief whatsoever, cannot have any
soft corner for him.
There
was a glorious past of Pervez Musharraf and there is a complete bleak future
staring right in his face. The process of prosecution is going to be excruciating
and protracted and at the end who knows what comes out. But to hope and predict
that he can walk out of judicial rigmarole unscathed would be to watch the sun rising
from the west.
Musharraf
took some bizarre decisions like declaring the emergency rule on November 3,
2007, suspending the constitution, firing the Supreme Court chief justice
Iftikhar Chaudhry, arresting the judges and confining them to their houses,
deployment of troops on state run Television and radio stations. Yet he was
still a lot better than other similar military rulers and civilian dictators.
He did some good deeds also one of which was to give a modicum of freedom to
the media and press. The economy looked better during his tenure.
On one
hand he was hard pressed and caught up between the radical Islamic militants and
the overbearing dictation of the United States for Pakistan’s support against
the former. Practically and logically he had no choice or guts to defy the United
States that was hell-bent against the militants especially al-Qaida in the
aftermath of 9/11 catastrophe. He cannot be squarely blamed for towing the
bandwagon of United States and her allies with regard to the so called war on
terror. Not even a most liberal or conservative government in Pakistan could have
refused the American stern call for the support.
The
role of a submissive ally for the United States was not exclusive to Musharraf
alone. It was initiated by a former Military dictator Gen. Ziaul Haq when in
December 1979; America started a proxy war against the Soviet Union in
Afghanistan through the Islamic warriors. That proved to be the first lethal
step towards an un-mitigating disaster in the region.
It led
to the continual involvement of Pakistan in American war in Afghanistan, later
spilling over to the territories of Pakistan during the Taliban era. While
American forces would leave war-torn Afghanistan next year, Pakistan will
continue to suffer as the victim of the resurgent Islamic radicals,
particularly Taliban and Al-Qaida.
Musharraf
being the proponent and initiator of enlightened moderation wanted Pakistan to not
turn into a haven for the radical Islamic forces. But that mission and thrust
could have been most repugnant to the radicals who saw in Pakistan as a ripe
land for enforcing a rigid and fundamentalist version of Islam.
The
enforcement of the Islamic Sharia started in Islamabad when Burqa-clad women started
beating and dragging in the streets and markets, the women without veils. The students
from the religious school affiliated with Lal Masjid, forced the shopkeepers to
throw away music and movies’ filled videos and other electronic appliances.
Now
Pakistan is not a Mauritania, Somalia, Mali or Yemen that the state would
submit before the reactionary elements, bent upon imposing upon the people,
their decadent and mutually controversial creeds and beliefs. The state had to
retaliate to stop that dangerous onslaught that in due course, could have
engulfed Pakistan.
That is
what Musharraf did and I believe he was doing it for the national cohesion and
saving Pakistan from falling into the hands of hardcore fanatics, who could
trigger a sectarian mayhem in Pakistan. He should rather be applauded rather
than condemned or maligned.
Before
opting to come back to Pakistan, Musharraf might have believed that people
would pour out all over the country to greet and support him. He should have pondered
that if it could not be done for a highly populist leader Bhutto, how it could
happen for a non-political minion, who by sheer accident, rose to power.
Perhaps he became delusional in assessing his popularity
and the hell he was going to fall in. He might have concluded that the army
would not allow his trial. But he failed to comprehend that Army itself was
under enormous pressure in the changing pro-democratic times to come to his
rescue.
Moreover
he belonged to a middle or lower middle class family and was not blue eyed
member of an elite or aristocratic family who could garner support for his
rescue behind the doors.
As for
perceived support and backing from MQM, PMLQ and his own faction APML, these
were non-entities on national political spectrum.
The PMLQ
and MQM received a severe thrashing and colossal setback in the recent elections
turning them into political dwarfs. Even otherwise the strident judicial
activism would not have allowed or entertained any attempt at influencing the
judicial decisions that would be forthcoming sooner or later.
So
these were the probable murky scenarios that must have crossed the mind of
Pervez Musharraf before embarking upon a return odyssey to Pakistan for
retaking the power and grafting his watershed vision of making Pakistan an enlightened,
modern secular and democratic state. Per say and supposedly, if by a miracle, he
would have come into power and formed the government, would his religious
adversaries allow him to proceed unchallenged and uninhibited?
The
liberal lobby in Pakistan that could lend him support is also aloof in his
affliction because of his permitting drone attacks as well as assuming the role
of a bounty hunter. He cannot be absolved of the stigma of taking bounty money
in return for catching the suspicious Pakistanis branded as terrorists and
handing them over to the United States.
So Musharraf,
as the metaphor goes is “in thick soup”. And one may shudder to speculate that in
order to prevent future military chauvinism, the present government as
prosecutor and the judiciary as upholder of justice may make him a dreadful
example by sending him to gallows or long prison term.
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