By Saeed Qureshi
Five governments in Pakistan were changed either by street
agitations or through military intervention. The first was headed by Ayub Khan,
the second by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the third was the first PMLN government (1993-1996),
the fourth was the second PMNL government (1997-1999) and the fifth that of
Pervez Musharraf. The incumbent PMLN
government may be the sixth one but the chances of its unceremonious send off
seem to be slim.
The reasons for such an assessment
are that Imran Khan is not a Bhutto and his appeal is limited to a section of
the population, second the ground realities are different now, and third that
PMLN is a duly elected government and supported by second largest party PPP.
However, the perpetual chaos and continual turmoil may prompt army to step
in.
Ayub Khan captured power through a
military coup. As a result of the popular uprising launched by ZAB, Field
Marshall Ayub Khan bowed out of power in March 1969 after a decade’s autocratic
governance. But he bequeathed a legacy of economic vibrancy for Pakistan. The
Tashkent pact signed with India after 1965 war turned out to be his bĂȘte noir
and the nation accused Ayub Khan of watering down the boons of war that the
army and the nation fought in unison.
One could recall in the hindsight
the intensity of emotions and the fervor and a bubbling spirit of patriotism
and sacrifice in those days of war with India in September1965. The Tashkent
agreement was profitably and deftly exploited by ZAB who was his foreign
minister but had parted company with him to launch a countywide vilification
campaign for his ouster. ZAB was a charismatic figure and knew the art of
rhetorical outbursts and soon he became a darling and most lovable
revolutionary leader of the entire nation.
He knew the art of mobilizing a
subdued nation and truly that was the ripest moment for a phenomenal change
that the Pakistani nation was yearning for long. The Tashkent declaration
worked like fuel on the fire. On December
18, 1971, Bhutto was taken to the President House in Rawalpindi where he took
over two highest positions from Yahya Khan: one as the President and the other
as the Chief Martial Law Administrator. Thus he was the first civilian Chief
Martial Law Administrator of the dismembered Pakistan. That was the most
glorious moment for ZAB.
But unfortunately he became
obsessive and so much power drunk that he started sacrificing his secular,
liberal, socialist and democratic credentials at the altar of power. After the
PNA movements in 1976 against the alleged rigged elections, he abandoned all
his cosmopolitan principles and accepted all the conditions of the PNA. Pakistan
from that moment turned into a conservative and orthodox Islamic state with
curbs of religious freedom of the minorities, ban on production and use of
liquor that amounted to the curtailment of civil liberties.
But his volte face did not rescue
him from the inevitable fate of a betrayer of his conscience, creed and
principles. The PNA after getting all their demands accepted and made part of
the constitution, still kept him on the tenterhooks that culminated in the
proclamation of Martial law by Ziaul Haq and the rest is history. He was sent
to gallows for a controversial murder case.
Pakistan came under a brutal
dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq who ruled Pakistan with an iron hand. He
suppressed all dissent, curbed calls for democracy and human rights with full
might of the state. He was the one in whose time even journalists were lashed.
General Zia’s one plus point is that he spearheaded a crusade against the
Soviet Union in Afghanistan and succeeded in throwing them out of that
perennially bedeviled country. But he too was killed in the mysterious C-130
crash. It is still not known who was behind that plot.
The political parties that ruled
the roost in Pakistan have been showing scant interest in the welfare of
Pakistan and its consolidation. The four governments (two each) of PPP and PMLN
were kind of family-centric and thus Pakistan remained a country to be fleeced
and bankrupted by these ruling cabals.
In the first PMNL government that
lasted for barely three years, Nawaz Sharif had to resign under military pressure.
The Nawaz Sharif’s second government (1997-1999) remained locked in a
confrontation with judiciary and army. Nawaz
Sharif was deposed through a military coup by General Musharraf On October 13,
1999.
However since his return to
Pakistan in December 2007 from long exile, Nawaz Sharif has been supporting
democracy and kept extending cooperation to PPP to complete its five years
constitutional tenure.
Of late, Imran Khan has emerged as a
formidable political contender of Nawaz Sharif and the ongoing standoff between
the PMLN and PTI has been swelling beyond conjectures. Imran Khan has portrayed
himself to be an obdurate and inflexible rival who doesn’t seem to be in a mind
frame to patch up with Sharif. His demand is the ouster and trial of Nawaz
Sharif and his brother Shahbaz Sharif.
This irreconcilable attitude from
Imran Khan and his mobilization of the country’s youth and disgruntled sections
had created an unprecedented prolonged rally in the federal capital. But
overall Imran Khan doesn’t enjoy the support of the majority of the people of
Pakistan. He can keep demonstrating in Islamabad and other cities of Pakistan
indefinitely but there should be an end to this French style revolution
call.
Imran is trying to knock down the
political edifice by forcing Sharif and PMLN out of power. The insistence on
this demand through violence and show of street force may finally impel the
armed forces to step in to disengage both the sides and take the country back
to another prolonged and indefinite martial law. If that happens, it would be
the fourth time in Pakistan of the ouster of a government through military
take-over.
Even if Imran Khan succeeds in forcible ouster
of the PMNL from power then what next? Will he like the traditional
revolutionaries walk into the prime minister or president house and start
issuing orders? Still he will have to gain power through the votes of the
people.
Will he without any constitutional
authority force his dictations? Would the other political parties keep watching
him doing all these things with folded hands? Would there not be a political
vacuum of governance? It is not difficult to fathom which power will fill that
vacuum. It would be then fourth military rule in Pakistan. As for interim
government to hold midterm elections, it is doubtful that the other parties
would agree to this demand.
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